Thursday, November 23, 2017

Are Foreigners Financing America?

Like the proverbial sky falling on the head fear, the financial community is perennially worried that foreigners will stop financing America's current account deficit--specifically, that they will stop buying Treasury debt and start selling it.

People think of 'our dependence on foreigner investors' as if America were perched on a high tree trunk and foreign investors were armed with saws, ready to cutoff the limb. The analogy is not bad, except that it has the actors switched. The question is not, "What will happen to us if foreigners stop buying our debt?" but, "What will happen to other countries if they can no longer sell us their goods?"

Two fallacies underlie the worry that we will be abandoned by foreign investors. The first is that foreigners somehow bring money to our markets that otherwise would not be there, and the second is that they can make money disappear from our economy. Last time I checked, Treasury debt was denominated in dollars, and the United States was obligated to make interest and principal payments in dollars. I also note that the Federal Reserve, not international investors, determines the US money supply. Only if foreigners actions made the Fed compelled to support the dollar through higher interest rates would domestic credit conditions tighten.

Foreign investors can affect currency markets, but they can only frighten or briefly disrupt the Treasury market. Suppose a foreign investor becomes fed up with financing America's debts, so he sells all his US government bonds and converts the proceeds to euro, yen, or gold. Unless he does business with Houdini, the dollars do not disappear or magically turn into gold, yen, or euro. Now someone else owns the dollars and what will they do with them? Dollars pulled out of the US asset markets by foreigners wishing to repatriate do not vanish but instead keep flowing back to the same markets.

Widespread selling of dollar denominated assets could put great pressure on the dollar's exchange rate. Although the supply of dollars is not changed, the bond market could sell off because it believes that the weak dollar will cause inflation, forcing the Fed to tighten. But these are effects on perception. To be sure, such misplaced perceptions could cause momentary turmoil in the bond market, but economic reality would soon bring it back to balance.

A drop in the US dollar would have some effect on US inflation. However, the impact is likely to be muted. First, services, which are domestically produced, constitute the bulk of the CPI. Second, even the link between import prices and domestic goods prices is hardly tight. As the chart below shows, when the dollar appreciates, domestic consumer prices rise relative to import prices and vice versa. In effect, there appears to be some relative "price stickiness." Another way to look at it is that, when the dollar appreciates, US consumers do not enjoy the full benefits and vice versa. Curiously, the relationship seems to have completely broken in recent years--note that the surge in the dollar in 2014-2016 had no discernible impact on the relative prices.



Which brings us to the bigger question. Who is dependent on whom? Foreign countries are not buying Treasury securities out of munificence. Nor is their buying of Treasury securities 'financing' anything. Rather they acquire dollars when they agree to accept dollars are payment for goods they sell in the US. How they allocate the thus acquired dollars to various dollar-denominated assets is a portfolio choice not a financing decision. Of course, they could decide not to accept dollars as payment for goods. But then where are they going to sell their goods to keep their factories running? As long as the rest of the world has not figured out a way to generate domestic demand sufficient to keep its domestic supply gainfully employed, the world will remain dependent on the US as the buyer of last resort.

Saturday, November 18, 2017

The Decline in Productivity: It's the Demand, Stupid

Labor productivity in this expansion has been abysmal, with the last five years looking especially dreadful. Multifactor productivity has been slightly better, although it too has been anemic. Tyler Cowen thinks productivity is weak because Americans have become lazy and complacent. He has written a whole book about it. This would be not so egregious if productivity had also not dropped in the still-striving emerging markets. Maybe they too are becoming fat and happy. We all need to go back to the happy days of sweatshops perhaps to get our productivity juices flowing! leaving snark aside, most mainstream economists are puzzled. On the other hand, economists who think demand matters clearly recognize that the productivity slowdown has a lot to do with a persistently low-pressure economy. See, this EPI paper by Josh Bivens for an excellent exposition of the demand side view.


While I broadly agree with Josh Bivens, I have some disagreements about the causal factors. Bivens thinks that weak investment in new technology is hurting labor productivity, and tepid aggregate demand is keeping investment subdued. I agree on the latter point (see my exposition here). On the former point, I think Bivens understates his case by ignoring the direct impact of robust demand on productivity--the so-called Kaldor-Verdoorn law. The basic idea is that there are increasing returns to scale. I also think that a high-pressure economy that stretches its resources stokes people to find ways to use those resources more efficiently, raising productivity. There are two ways to see how productivity is related to utilization of resources. First, the trend in employment-population ratio for prime-age males has generally moved with the trend in productivity. (I have excluded 25-34 year-olds because more men are going to grad school. In any case, including them will not change the picture.) I don't think society has progressed to the point where 18% of prime-age men are now stay-at-home dads. Even if they are, it is likely because the prospects of a good job are poor and the cost of baby-sitting exceeds the jobs they might get. Essentially, this is a good proxy for labor market tightness in a secular sense.


Second, economywide capacity utilization has been weak on a secular basis (see my FT Alphaville post linked above). Business sector value added scaled to the capital stock--a proxy for economywide capcity utilization--co-moves with productivity, suggesting that utilizing existing capacity fully would increase productivity.


Bivens focuses on business sector investment as the culprit behind the slowdown in productivity. I want to focus on something that is in the hands of policymakers, government investment. Government investment is, surprise, closely related to productivity. We know that any causality has to run from the former to the latter because government decisions to invest are hardly driven by productivity in the overall economy! In particular, government investment in R&D has collapsed.




Friday, November 10, 2017

Saving, Investment, Loanable Funds, Paradox of Thrift

Whether saving funds investment and whether increased saving leads to greater investment is a debate that is as old as macroeconomics, and I have no illusions that I am going to settle the debate or change anyone's mind. In my opinion, there are two sources of problems. First is the implicit assumption that the economy is operating under full employment of resources, which underlies most classical, neoclassical, and Austrian analysis.  are major issues most of the problems arise from conflating real and financial flows. Before I begin, I would encourage you to read these two pieces that cover a lot of ground in the debate:



First, some clarifications. Saving is a verb that refers to an act, whereas savings is a noun that refers to a stock.
I am going to start with a rudimentary economy and show that even here increased saving does not automatically translate into increased investment. Take Robinson Crusoe (RC) living on an island and grows corn, which is both the consumption and the investment good. Crusoe grows 100 bushels of corn every period and saves up 20 bushels for seed corn (investment).  Here his saving (giving up consumption) is clearly needed for and leads to higher investment. Note that in such an economy, there is no scope for involuntary unemployment. Mainstream economic theories are fine in such cases.

Let us tweak this example a little bit and see what happens if we introduce a little complexity. RC now works for RC Inc, owned fully by RC of course. RC Inc has a capital of 20 bushels of corn (representing RC's past savings, not saving!), worth $20. In addition, there is an RC Bank. RC Inc goes to RC Bank and gets a loan of $80--created out of thin air. RC Inc now hires RC for $80 for one 8-hour day. At the end of the period, RC Inc. sells RC 80 bushels of corn for $80, repays $80, and reinvests 20 bushels of corn. One fine day, RC reads Aesop's fable about the Ant and the Grasshopper and decides to save $20 instead of spending it all. RC Inc now gets back only $60 and has a problem repaying the $80 loan! Note that RC's bank balance is now $20 and RC Inc has an overdue loan of $20. RC Inc has now 40 bushels of corn and judges that RC's demand is only 60 bushels. Given the 12 bushel seed corn needed to sustain 60 bushel net output, RC Inc figures that the next day only 8 bushels of corn need to be planted and he needs RC's labor services only for 3.2 hours. RC comes to work and finds he can only make $32. Paradox of thrift.

Some (especially monetarists and their modern day reincarnations) would argue that this is hoarding of money not paradox of thrift, that desire to save in the form of money is the problem not desire to save per se. Needless to monetarists then go haywire trying to get people to save in real stuff, which gets us a Frankenstein monster. There are two separate decisions that are conflated.First is the decision to forego consumption. The second is a portfolio decision of how to allocate the savings. In order to see how this works, we are going to introduce financial instruments in addition to money. RC Inc issues 20 shares each worth $1--essentially, RC is now owner of public company instead of being a sole proprietor. When RC decides to save $20, he is not necessarily deciding to increase his money balance. He now has a portfolio of $20 in money and $20 in stocks and a portfolio decision to make. He may decide to buy stocks for $20. RC Inc makes a rights issue of one for one. The money now gets transferred from RC's bank account to RC Inc's bank account--there is no hoarding. RC has now 40 shares. RC Inc uses the proceeds to pay back the overdue loan but he is still faced with lower demand. So, he cuts back RC's hours. Paradox of thrift still holds. One difference between the previous example and the present one is that RC Inc is not facing default.

Let us go back to the RC world without all the financial complications but add a new capital good. RC figures that a seed spreader would make his job easier. He now decides to build a spreader. If RC were working full time on growing corn, then the investment in spreader will come at the cost of current production of corn. So, RC has to "save" in the sense of reducing his corn consumption (or having saved up corn in the past) in order to set aside time for investing in the spreader. Once again, we come back to the full employment of resources issue. If RC is not fully employed, the investment in the spreader creates its own saving. Furthermore, saving corn will not automatically create the spreader.

Needless to say the modern world of financial capitalism is incredibly complex and the chasm between saving and investment decisions is wide. Let us go back to saving without hoarding. If people decide to increase their saving while at the same time become increasingly bullish about the stock market, stocks can get bid up and financing for investment can become cheap and readily available. Mainstream economists think that this influence will eventually lead to higher investment short-circuiting the paradox of thrift. However, history shows that investment is demand-led and that business investment decisions are relatively impervious to changes in the discount rate. Moreover, there have been a slew of papers in recent years showing that investment has been much weaker than the Q-ratio suggests. So, one can simultaneously have a boom in asset prices and weak investment--paradox of thrift without hoarding. Redolent of something we have lived through?


  Current Account Imbalances, Debt Buildup, and Instability Abstract: Orthodox trade theory focuses on the reallocation of real resources th...